Rational Standard https://rationalstandard.com Africa's Top Liberal Commentary Site Tue, 17 Apr 2018 12:37:55 +0000 en-GB hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=4.9.5 https://i2.wp.com/rationalstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/01/cropped-RS-Logo.png?fit=32%2C32 Rational Standard https://rationalstandard.com 32 32 94510741 FMF Welcomes Changes To Hate Speech Bill, But Concerns Remain https://rationalstandard.com/fmf-welcomes-changes-to-hate-speech-bill-but-concerns-remain/ https://rationalstandard.com/fmf-welcomes-changes-to-hate-speech-bill-but-concerns-remain/#respond Tue, 17 Apr 2018 11:16:54 +0000 https://rationalstandard.com/?p=7617 The Free Market Foundation (FMF) has welcomed changes to the justice department’s Prevention and Combating of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill. It notes, however, that the Bill is not needed, and that the definition of hate speech remains problematic. The Rational Standard has published widely on the Bill. You can read it all here. History of […]

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The Free Market Foundation (FMF) has welcomed changes to the justice department’s Prevention and Combating of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill. It notes, however, that the Bill is not needed, and that the definition of hate speech remains problematic.

The Rational Standard has published widely on the Bill. You can read it all here.

History of the Bill

The media release says that the “original iteration of the bill, the subject of widespread public disapproval, was published in 2016 and included provisions that would have seen the end of freedom of expression in South Africa. The public engagement on this bill, and government heeding the concerns of civil society, is a welcome incident of public participation in good faith, for which government must be commended.”

Highlighting the history of the Bill, the FMF says it “initially criminalised petty insults that ridiculed or brought people into contempt based on their occupations or beliefs. This would have meant that insults directed at the President, or directed at bad or ill-considered opinions, could land one in jail for up to three years for a first offence, and up to ten years for consequent offences.”

Definitions

The original bill’s definition “of hate speech did not align with the definition of hate speech found in section 16 of the Constitution; that is, advocacy of hatred that is based on race, ethnicity, gender or religion, and that constitutes incitement to cause harm.”

The new bill’s definition is closer to that of the Constitution, argues the FMF. “Hate speech is now defined as publication, propagation, advocacy or communication, in a manner that could reasonably be construed to demonstrate a clear intention to be harmful or to incite harm or promote or propagate hatred, based on various grounds. This definition, despite its labyrinthine character, accords closely with that of the Constitution, albeit imperfectly.”

Protected grounds

The previous Hate Speech Bill protected seventeen characteristics, including “belief” and “trade or occupation”. The FMF writes that the new bill protects fifteen grounds; an improvement, but still nowhere close to the Constitution’s four protected grounds. The think tank “recommends in the strongest terms that the definition of hate speech in the Constitution be used in the bill without modification.”

Exemptions

The exemptions in the new bill were welcomed by the FMF. “The new bill makes generous provision for exemptions from the prohibition against hate speech. These include artistic expression; scientific and academic inquiry; religious expression; and, crucially, commentary and reporting that is fair and accurate.” This means that “the bill no longer poses an existential threat to freedom and democracy in South Africa”.

Existing law is good enough

The FMF believes existing law regulates hate speech sufficiently, and that new law isn’t necessary. “The Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act already prohibits hate speech, and the Films and Publications Act empowers the Films and Publications Board to refuse classification to publications which contain hate speech. Most notably, the doctrine of crimen injuria has been used in our law to prosecute cases of hate speech, most notably the case of Penny Sparrow and more recently that of Vicki Momberg.”

It continues, saying “South Africa must not legislate for legislating’s sake. It sets a fallacious precedent that government intervention can solve any social ill by throwing a law at it, and this, in turn, leads to a government that costs the taxpayer more money, costs the citizen more freedom, and ends up failing to solve the problem anyway. Existing law – especially the common law doctrine of crimen injuria – which can be refined where necessary, must be preferred to the introduction of new law.”

Good news, but not enough

The Board of Directors of Rational Publications welcomes these developments. The Bill, in its previous form, would have been not only the end of the Rational Standard, but also the end of any kind of opposition to narratives adopted by the political class. The new version of the Bill is light-years better.

Expression should not, however, be regulated by government. It is a slippery slope, and this new and improved Hate Speech Bill may yet prove to simply open the door for government. Racists, sexists, and bigots generally, should be condemned through voluntary means – a mechanism that works. Countless bigots lose their jobs and social capital across the West on a daily basis. This likely leads them to introspect. Throwing them in jail has an opposite effect and will cause other bigots to bottle up their feelings and brew more resentment.

Click here to read the text of the new Hate Speech Bill.

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Debunking White Economic Oppression https://rationalstandard.com/debunking-white-economic-oppression/ https://rationalstandard.com/debunking-white-economic-oppression/#respond Sun, 15 Apr 2018 21:04:08 +0000 https://rationalstandard.com/?p=7530 First of all, I need to get something out of the way. This is not going to be an argument in favour of discriminatory black empowerment legislation, so for those who expected it to be so and looked forward to either praise or vilify me for it, sorry to disappoint you. What I’m going to […]

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First of all, I need to get something out of the way. This is not going to be an argument in favour of discriminatory black empowerment legislation, so for those who expected it to be so and looked forward to either praise or vilify me for it, sorry to disappoint you. What I’m going to do is debunk the myth that the white South Africans are, in general, being economically marginalised.

According to the latest Stats SA Living Conditions of Households in South Africa survey, the average annual income from work of white South Africans was R 300 498. The average annual income from work of black South Africans was R 69 094. White South Africans thus earn, on average, 4.35 times more than their black counterparts.

Luckily this gap has been narrowing since 2011, when the average black South African earned 4.78 times less than the average white South African. The total average annual household income of white households was R 444 446 for white households, while for black households it was just R 92 983.

The survey also showed that the average consumption expenditure by white household heads was R 350 937, whilst the average expenditure for black African household heads was R 67 828.

The average consumption expenditure on health by white South Africans was R 4 161, whilst the average consumption expenditure on health by black South Africans was just R 479. The average consumption expenditure on education by white South Africans was R 8 069 per annum, whilst the average for black South Africans was R 1 656.

In 2015, 47.1% of black South Africans lived under the poverty line, compared with just 0.4% of white South Africans.

Another portion of good news that has to be mentioned, however, is that the median age of whites in 2011 was 38 compared with 33 in 1996, whilst the median age of black people was still just 21 years just like in 1996. If one takes into account the young median age for black people, they’ve thus made considerable progress in catching up on salaries, according to economist Mike Schussler.

Schussler explains that the still relatively large gap in average income between white and black households can be explained by differences in skill levels, along with the portion of the ethnic group part of the labour force as well as the difference in the number of white individuals who have their own business (6%) compared with the number of black entrepreneurs who do (3%).

It is quite clear that there is a huge economic gap between white and black South Africans. So, who’s to blame for this staggering inequality between white and black South Africans?

Well, Apartheid initiated the inequality, but the ANC is upholding the status quo through widespread corruption, over-regulation of the market that is costing us economic growth, and large-scale wasting of resources. Only through entrepreneurial empowerment can we uplift the majority of black South Africans so that they can make a living for themselves.

I am not in favour of discriminatory legislation. What I am in favour of is popping our own bubbles of ignorance and to reach out a helping hand to our fellow men and women who are suffering (yes, also the white ones; not all white people benefit from white economic privilege). Ethical altruism goes a long way. Teach a person to fish and you feed them for life.

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The Past and Future of Patricia de Lille https://rationalstandard.com/the-past-and-future-of-patricia-de-lille/ https://rationalstandard.com/the-past-and-future-of-patricia-de-lille/#respond Wed, 11 Apr 2018 06:00:19 +0000 https://rationalstandard.com/?p=7442 Patricia de Lille’s political future might not be so murky after all, if the African National Congress (ANC)’s glowing endorsements are anything to go by. Adding fuel to the speculation is her hugging President Cyril Ramphosa, welcoming him to the Cape Town International Jazz Festival over the weekend. “There was vocal resistance against it, but […]

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Patricia de Lille’s political future might not be so murky after all, if the African National Congress (ANC)’s glowing endorsements are anything to go by. Adding fuel to the speculation is her hugging President Cyril Ramphosa, welcoming him to the Cape Town International Jazz Festival over the weekend.

“There was vocal resistance against it, but in the end an amendment to make it easier for the Democratic Alliance to sack errant high profile office bearers – like Cape Town mayor Patricia de Lille – passed with very little opposition at the party’s federal congress on Sunday.”

– Carien du Plessis Daily Maverick 6/4/2018

By a single vote and with the enthusiastic support of opposition parties, Patricia de Lille remains the Mayor of Cape Town and the leader of a party in that municipality with which she is at war.

At its Federal Congress in Tshwane at the weekend, the Democratic Alliance (DA) approved a ‘recall clause’ which would enable it to remove from office senior executives in whom the party had lost confidence.

James Selfe, DA Federal Council chairperson told media representatives that the clause would not apply retrospectively, but De Lille nevertheless let it be known that she would seek legal clarification.

She once again repeated her claim that the DA is deliberately seeking to sully her reputation and will meet her own party in court next month when she will seek to nullify a report about her which was compiled by John Steenhuisen, the party’s chief whip.

Any employee who brings his or her organisation into disrepute risks dismissal and there can be little doubt that she has done so and done so with relish.

Of all the advocates available, she chose the EFF’s Dali Mpofu to represent her when she took her own party to court and she routinely smears the DA with apartheid-era epithets like ‘baasskap’.

Anticipating the inevitable denouement she is already, if the Cape Argus is correct, cosying up to the ANC – and the attraction seems to be mutual.

Anti-white antipathy

In a previous article, I looked at the strong anti-white antipathy which characterised her early years in parliamentary politics and in this article I look at the role she played in the early years of the HIV/AIDS pandemic.

Among the singular characteristics of the Mbeki era, aside from his attempts to cover up the ANC’s arms deal sleaze – ask Andrew Feinstein, he’ll tell you – and his continual support for the Operation Gukurahundi war criminal, was his stance on HIV/AIDS. According to a Harvard University study, and a local study, his resistance to the provision of state-provided anti-retroviral drugs saw more than 300 000 people, mainly poor and black, die protracted, painful but avoidable deaths as their immune systems slowly collapsed.

They died as a sottish kleptomaniac and liver transplant queue jumper urged them to eat madumbis lightly drizzled with garlic oil, and the world looked on with contempt.

They weren’t the only victims. It is estimated that more than a million children lost one or both parents as a result of the contemporary aversion to ARVs and tens of thousands were born with the virus which would guarantee their early demise if they were denied access to state-provided ARVs.

I wrote about this in the context of the SABC and its evil failure to use its reach and influence to inform its millions of radio listeners and its television audience of the lifesaving potential of anti-retroviral drugs such as nevirapine.

As the appalling enormity of this scourge became apparent, it also became obvious that whoever could research and produce an effective vaccine would become not only famous but very wealthy.

The Mbeki mantra at the time was the ‘African Renaissance’, so a lot of your money and mine was accordingly spent on developing toxic local concoctions like Virodene. Other snake oils on offer at the time were ‘Africa’s Solution’ from Tine van der Maas, ‘Comforter’s Healing Gift’ with which Mbeki acolyte and SABC board member Christine Qunta was involved, and ‘Ubhejane’.

So what was the contribution, if any, of Patricia de Lille to combating the HIV/AIDS pandemic?

A Sunday Times obituary by Chris Barron for a leading HIV/AIDS researcher, Dr Mariёtte Botha – who died a year ago – provides useful insights into the character of Patricia de Lille, how destructively she has wielded the power and influence afforded her by her high political profile and how adversely she fed into the Mbeki narrative about the alleged toxicity of ARVs.

What is not irrelevant is that, to the best of my knowledge, neither Mbeki nor De Lille has ever unequivocally apologised for their role in seeking to demonise, obstruct or prevent the provision of drugs which would curb mother-to-child transmission of HIV/AIDs and help stabilise the immune systems of those already infected.

The compromises which realpolitik demands saw De Lille’s Independent Democrats (ID) subsumed within the DA in 2010 and her appointment as Mayor of Cape Town the following year.

Implacable imperatives

In 2018, realpolitik again imposes its implacable imperatives. The DA faces an inevitable election backlash should the party not sever its connection with a politician whose imperious hauteur  along with other concerns – not to mention her association with the EFF through Dali Mpofu and her gift to the ANC by equating her own party with apartheid evil – increases voter alienation by the day.

She was in the right place at the right time when the PAC was given a dossier of allegations about arms deal corruption and the party chose her as the person best placed to raise the matter in Parliament – something that significantly raised her profile.

How, though, will history judge her, given her antipathy to white South Africans continually expressed in the early part of her career, her noxious role in the HIV/AIDS pandemic, her opportunism when, contrary to her promises, she took the ID into a short-lived coalition with the ANC in 2006, her current divisive role as Mayor of Cape Town and her apparent rapprochement with the ANC prior to next year’s general election?

In 2006, De Lille assured her ID voters that she would side with the DA but then teamed up with the ANC, outraging her followers who subsequently abandoned the ID en masse.

If, in the months to come, she links up with the ANC again, will it not prove that political expedience rather than political ideology is what motivates her – much as was the case with Marthinus van Schalkwyk?

De Lille’s war of attrition against the party which rescued her from political oblivion in 2010 and its inevitable denouement could well see her follow a previous Cape Town mayor, Peter Marais, into political obscurity.

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Vicki Momberg’s Conviction for Racist Speech is Nothing Short of Totalitarian https://rationalstandard.com/vicki-momberg-conviction-for-racist-speech-is-nothing-short-of-totalitarian/ https://rationalstandard.com/vicki-momberg-conviction-for-racist-speech-is-nothing-short-of-totalitarian/#respond Tue, 10 Apr 2018 10:51:55 +0000 https://rationalstandard.com/?p=7519 Written by: Ryan Rutherford The sentencing of Vicki Momberg to three years’ imprisonment, one year of which is suspended, in the Randburg Magistrate’s Court for a racist tirade against policemen in 2016 is an almost perfect distillation of the rank idiocy and sheer lunacy – not to mention unabashed authoritarianism – of life in contemporary South […]

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Written by: Ryan Rutherford

The sentencing of Vicki Momberg to three years’ imprisonment, one year of which is suspended, in the Randburg Magistrate’s Court for a racist tirade against policemen in 2016 is an almost perfect distillation of the rank idiocy and sheer lunacy – not to mention unabashed authoritarianism – of life in contemporary South Africa.

Momberg is, with no particular respect intended, a nobody from Johannesburg who, in an emotionally distraught state after being the victim of a smash and grab, verbally abused police officers who came to her aid by repeatedly employing the k-word, roughly equivalent to the n-word in American parlance. In the South African context, though, this highly offensive term is far more freighted with dehumanising import, considering the country’s violently oppressive racial history.

Momberg is the first person to be jailed for using this infamous word, and her conviction has apparently now ushered in a new class of criminal, the “convicted racist,” a designation the media breathlessly pounced upon in near-total mind-numbing uniformity, and with what could even be described as barely suppressed glee, the zealously self-righteous tone of many reports almost seeming to suggest that some kind of war criminal had finally received their long-awaited comeuppance.

In the wake of the sentencing, National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) spokesperson Phindi Mjonondwane said that “this ruling is giving hope to all South Africans that the law is on their side,” a statement that should have been met with instant guffaws, or howls of outraged disbelief. The state’s lead prosecutor, Yusuf Baba, expressing the state’s distinctly-authoritarian character on matters of individual expression, averred that “people need to watch their tongues before they talk” as “there are consequences for your actions.” Indeed there are, for some more than others, and, most importantly, the more punitive consequences for speech acts the less free a society is, which South Africa increasingly can no longer even pretend to masquerade as.

Setting aside the merits of the case, an issue further delved into later, consider the more proximate history framing this prosecution. For instance, it has been conservatively estimated that former President Jacob Zuma stole over a trillion rand during his catastrophically corrupt tenure, not to mention mortally undermining virtually all state institutions in the wrecking ball operation that was his administration. After Zuma’s various delaying tactics and assorted lawyerly machinations, it is unlikely for him to ever truly experience any jail time of note.

By contrast, the state vigorously pursued a case against Momberg, whose conviction evidently sets a new precedent according to the NPA, which for years took an almost laughably absurd “see no evil, hear no evil” approach to Zuma’s wanton malfeasance. It certainly does set a new precedent, but an exceedingly problematic one.

(Editor’s note: Judgments of magistrates’ courts do not set binding precedent in South Africa. There is, however, an argument to be made that this has set an informal precedent for the NPA.)

Perhaps comparing the contemptible lack of pursuing Zuma with the prosecutorial vigour displayed in the Momberg case is unfair, possibly even representing a type of category error. However, if one keeps solely within the ambit of racially-charged convictions, the incidents that have prompt condemnation and censure from the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) reveal an inescapable one-sidedness that itself reflects racist selectivity.

While the list on this issue demands an article all its one, sticking to just the most recent high-profile examples, Julius Malema, the leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), a major political party, has openly targeted Nelson Mandela Bay Metro mayor, Athol Trollip, because he is white. Malema went even further than this racist attack on an opposing politician by venting at rally that he wanted to “decapitate whiteness.”

In light of Malema’s public profile and undeniable power, this statement could legitimately be perceived as possessing genocidal implications. Despite the head of the SAHRC admitting to receiving 17 complaints over this statement, the organisation has yet to take any actions against the EFF’s Commander-in-Chief.

If the state is to be involved in enforcing appropriate speech codes, and to tackle the perceived scourge of racism, at the very least it must act consistently. Therefore, if one is prepared to see Momberg imprisoned, then the likes of Malema should receive similar, if not far harsher, treatment.

Those desperately trying to avoid a discussion on the all-too-blatant hypocrisy at play in these sorts of convictions, as well as the starkly disparate media attention they receive, will insist that Momberg broke the law, in particular violating the highly problematic provisions in the Constitution that forbids demeaning people based on race, ethnicity, gender, or religion. Yet no law should automatically be perceived as noble, rational, or furthering the cause of justice simply because it exists. This could be likened to believing that adding two wrongs together makes a right.

Author: Ryan Rutherford has an honours degree in English literature, worked for almost six years as a teacher in South Korea, recently completed a Master of International Relations degree at the University of Cape Town, and is an increasingly-impassioned defender of individual liberty and Enlightenment values as opposed to irrational identitarianism of all stripes.

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UCT’s Reconciliation and Transformation Commission Perverted Justice https://rationalstandard.com/ucts-reconciliation-and-transformation-commission-perverted-justice/ https://rationalstandard.com/ucts-reconciliation-and-transformation-commission-perverted-justice/#respond Mon, 09 Apr 2018 11:21:53 +0000 https://rationalstandard.com/?p=7535 Written by: William Gild On or about 29 March 2018, the University of Cape Town (UCT)’s Institutional Reconciliation and Transformation Commission (IRTC) granted amnesty to seven individuals, all of whom had been repeatedly sanctioned by the university for acts of violence, property damage (including arson), defilement of a number of buildings, and a statue, intimidation and […]

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Written by: William Gild

On or about 29 March 2018, the University of Cape Town (UCT)’s Institutional Reconciliation and Transformation Commission (IRTC) granted amnesty to seven individuals, all of whom had been repeatedly sanctioned by the university for acts of violence, property damage (including arson), defilement of a number of buildings, and a statue, intimidation and violations of High Court interdicts.

The Commission, not satisfied with “clearing the UCT slate” of these individuals, and thereby allowing at least one of them to graduate in April, went even further by urging the university to approach the Director of Public Prosecutions to withdraw pending criminal charges against those of this group who had been arrested (at least one of them, on more than one occasion) in connection with alleged criminal acts committed during the rioting of the past 3 years.

It might be noted that one of the worthies thus “amnestied” promptly went on to create a disturbance during his graduation, which disturbance necessitated his being “ushered” from the stage.

The IRTC was birthed in November 2016, at the conclusion of marathon negotiations between a clutch of wholly unrepresentative violent, racist and unrepentant individuals, all of whom had occasioned great damage to UCT, both fiscally and reputationally.

The 6 November agreement was, in effect, negotiated at the barrel of a gun (metaphorically speaking). The university had been shuttered for many weeks, final examination time was drawing close, and campus was in chaos. Max Price, together with a few other senior administrators, actually had no choice but to accede to these individuals’ demands, for they knew full well that failure so to do would have resulted in the 2016 end of year examinations being aborted, with the inevitable financial, organizational and legal implications of such an event. And so they did.

A steering committee was established in early 2017 to establish the terms of reference of the Commission, as well as identify commissioners.

Throughout the steering committee’s meetings, a plethora of problems arose. At least one of the constituencies (alumni) was never consulted regarding the choice of representative. Other issues, gleaned from personal communications, occasional minutes, audiovisual recordings (almost invariably of appalling quality), and a report-back of the Senate representative, indicated a process (lasting almost a full year) characterized by tensions between the student representatives and others, an appalling lack of appropriate (no, one may not say civilized) behaviour by several of the student representatives and, most important, departures from what are universally recognized norms of proper procedure.

The initial meeting between the committee and the newly minted commissioners (24 February), during which non-members of the committee pitched up and had to have their say, was farcical (at best). It displayed a continuing rant of totally unrelated issues, new issues, and resembled not a serious gathering and orderly process which was meant to be a dignified, but, rather, an embarrassing display of enduring victimhood, poisonous hatred directed at the university in general, and Max Price, in particular. It was neither edifying, nor adult. Anyone who possessed the fortitude to sit through watching over two hours of the spectacle had to come away wondering whether they were watching a kindergarten performance, or a serious meeting of university students.

And so, it came to pass, not unexpectedly, that the commissioners, after only two days of deliberations and submissions by this motley bunch, forgave all.

They had no choice.

No one even remotely connected, or following, the tragic events of the past three years, would have known that had the commissioners declined to pardon this bunch of protesters, April graduation would not have been allowed to occur. Max Price certainly knew it, as did the commissioners, as did the steering committee. For, when events over the past three years clearly and unambiguously indicate a pattern of duplicity and manipulation, accompanied and reinforced by violence and resorting to ludicrous claims of racism at the university, there would be no reason to suspect that these individuals would suddenly see the light, or change their behaviour.

The entire process, from beginning to its ignominious end, is a stain on the reputation of UCT, its current leadership, the commissioners themselves, and all those who participated in this circus

The author laments the loss, over three years, of what used to be termed rational discourse, even heated debate, and its replacement by violence, dishonesty, and manipulation.

That these individuals represent a tiny minority of students is neither here nor there; they managed to terrorize the overwhelming majority of students, and bend the will of a feckless and naïve leadership to the extent that there can be only one end to this sorry saga.

Dr Gild is a retired anaesthetist and Advocate, having obtained his basic medical degree at UCT, and his law degree at Temple University in Philadelphia, USA. His family has studied, intermittently, at UCT from 1929 through to the present.

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DA Federal Congress: Some Key Policy Takeaways https://rationalstandard.com/da-federal-congress-some-key-policy-takeaways/ https://rationalstandard.com/da-federal-congress-some-key-policy-takeaways/#respond Mon, 09 Apr 2018 08:20:07 +0000 https://rationalstandard.com/?p=7546 Just a mere five kilometres away from the Union Buildings in the western part of the City of Tshwane gathered a multitude of people with blue shirts from all over the country. The enthusiasm plunged incessantly as Democrats sang, cheered and put on appurtenances adorned by catchy slogans of candidates they would prefer to lead […]

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Just a mere five kilometres away from the Union Buildings in the western part of the City of Tshwane gathered a multitude of people with blue shirts from all over the country. The enthusiasm plunged incessantly as Democrats sang, cheered and put on appurtenances adorned by catchy slogans of candidates they would prefer to lead them in the coming years.

However, if South African democracy is to mature, analysts and the electorate would need to assess the Democratic Alliance’s policy offers. The resolutions adopted at the congress present a crossing of the Rubicon for the party; it is an evolution of a party that has redefined and positioned itself to winning the power of persuasive elections.

Some of the resolutions include:

Job Seekers Exemption Certificate (JSEC) to tackle long term employment

The JSEC, which will be valid for two years after an applicant has secured it, will see the unemployed given the right to enter into employment agreements with conditions they see suitable. This means they will be exempted from the National Minimum Wage.

The National Minimum Wage Bill was passed by cabinet on 11 November 2017. It amounts to legislated unemployment.

The law prohibits employees from accepting jobs below the level government has stipulated for an hour’s work. This means that a number of free and voluntary wage contracts are now illegal. A minimum wage leads to a decrease in the demand for labour in the market, especially for low-skilled workers. It does away with the competition, thereby shutting many workers out of the labour market. According to the 2017 4th quarter Labour Force Survey, published by StatsSA, over two-thirds of the unemployed in South Africa have been unemployed for longer than a year.

The minimum wage, however, also brings with it negative effects that go beyond unemployment. Minimum wages encourage employers to resist up-skilling their workers in training, thus depriving low-earning workers of a long-term advancement.

Minimum wages create monopolies. Larger businesses may be receptive of them in the same reason they may prefer tariffs – to keep out lower-priced businesses from the dictum of free market competition. A minimum wage can become a tool by large businesses with high labour costs, to force higher labour costs on their small businesses competition rivals. These larger corporations can then bring their competition to its knees.

Enhance small business development opportunities

According to reports, about 80% of South African small businesses fail within the first three years of activity. The DA resolves to introduce an overtly pro-small business policy approach which removes blockages and red-tape in the political/economic system, particularly targeting those sectors which our country has either a comparative or competitive advantage in. And, crucially, those sectors which are labour absorptive. It aims to “exempt small businesses from certain labour and BEE laws to help them compete and create jobs.”

Resolution to include more South Africans in meaningful land reform

On land reform the party unequivocally made it clear to commit to protecting section 25 of the Constitution and support private ownership of property. The party aims to not make the state a proxy for land ownership – but ensure that those entitled to land receive it in the form of direct ownership, with adequate support to be economically successful.

Secure property rights are an important requirement of thriving economies. Full ownership of property allows people to be able to run businesses, and sell or rent out to generate income so they and sustain themselves. Commitment to property rights sends a clear signal that the DA as a government-in-waiting is serious about attracting the fixed investment needed to drive growth and jobs. Keeping to the tune, the party committed to;

Remove ‘pre-emptive clauses’ on RDP title deeds that prohibit owners from selling their homes for a specified duration.

Over 4 million RDP houses have been provided since the democratic dispensation. However, RDP title deeds still contain ‘pre-emptive clauses’ that determine when the beneficiaries (who are supposed to be the owners) can sell their houses and what modifications can be done to their property. These clauses undermine the notion that the beneficiaries are truly owners of the property – that is, the choice to decide what to do with your own house, to rent it out or run a business, or sell it, should you want to. Removal of these clauses will allow the poor generate and create wealth for themselves; it would also lessen the black market sale of these houses and speed the inclusion of the poor into the economy.

On state-owned enterprises

The party emboldened its fight against money-hemorrhaging state-owned enterprises. SOEs continue to operate at a loss. Government has committed R29.1 billion in guarantees (since 1999) to South African Airways while it continues to make staggering annual losses, the latest of which is predicted to hit a high of R4 billion in March 2018. According to the party’s Shadow Minister of Public Enterprises, Natasha Mazzone:

“Many SOEs are duplicative in terms of function and objectives, adding little value to enhancing competition as they behave as monopolies.”

The party has resolved to ensure that certain sectors of the economy dominated by state-owned enterprises or state monopolies should be subject to competition from multiple private sector entrants; and to introduce of market competition in key sectors of the economy which will be a key pillar of programmes to create jobs and strengthen the economy. The party wants commission an independent feasibility study that will examine the economic impacts of privatising particular SOEs.

If the DA hopes to recapture the imaginations of South Africans who are clamouring for a better and stronger alternative, it probably needs to continue on this trajectory. It should offer this vision. There has never been a better opportunity than this for liberals to communicate and resonate their gospel. And there is no reason why the South African future should not be a liberal one. Elections are about persuasion and not expression. It is time for the party to direct its efforts in seizing institutional power by winning elections and look beyond the good governance narrative.

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Western, Individual Justice is Not Compatible with Socialist Justice https://rationalstandard.com/western-individual-justice-is-not-compatible-with-socialist-justice/ https://rationalstandard.com/western-individual-justice-is-not-compatible-with-socialist-justice/#respond Sun, 08 Apr 2018 17:26:06 +0000 https://rationalstandard.com/?p=7491 Written by: Glenn Tungay Ed Herbst’s article on hate crime findings is an excellent analysis of the current failure of equitable and fair justice in South Africa. It highlights how, when social (communal) justice triumphs over individual justice, a nation is doomed to slide into abusive, segregatory and unjust totalitarianism. Marxist communal justice has so infiltrated […]

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Written by: Glenn Tungay

Ed Herbst’s article on hate crime findings is an excellent analysis of the current failure of equitable and fair justice in South Africa. It highlights how, when social (communal) justice triumphs over individual justice, a nation is doomed to slide into abusive, segregatory and unjust totalitarianism.

Marxist communal justice has so infiltrated the West’s thinking that even Christian leaders are willing to abandon the clear teachings of individual justice presented in scripture.

Western justice, which arose out of biblical teachings on justice, holds that no individual is complicit for any other person’s crime (sin).

Father, brother, close friend or another person of the same class or race — guilt is not imputed by association, but by individual action.

Even if one benefits from another’s crime, so long as one is not knowingly complicit, they are innocent. Likewise, a citizen is not held legally accountable for a state’s actions, even if they voted for it. And in the face of any accusation, one has the right to representation, to call witnesses, and to face ones accusers. One is considered innocent until proven guilty.

Social(ist) communal justice is the antithesis of Western, biblical justice. One only has to think of North Korea, where whole families are thrown into labour camps because one member is a Christian, to understand this.

Think of the USSR, when whole families were thrown in labour camps because a family member was accused of being a spy or having a counterrevolutionary ideology. Or the genocide of the million odd kulaks in the USSR that happened in the 1920s, simply because they were a successful farming class of peasants.

Social justice is built on the ideology of class or race warfare, and thus guilt is imputed by association to anyone of a class or race deemed guilty of an anti-party or anti-narrative ideological crime. Here individuals are considered guilty until proven innocent — and innocence is impossible to prove if they are already guilty by association.

The Christian church has to wake up. Guilt is not imputed by association to a race or class. We stand or fall on our own actions alone.

If we as the Church do not stand up for biblical justice, in the end we will simply be counted as one of the enemies of the ruling ideology — worthy of imprisonment, torture and death, simply because of our association with Christ.

This happened in the USSR and China. It can and will happen again if we, out of timidity or ignorance, go along with the socialist narrative of social justice.

Remember that Western law teaches that the individual carries no guilt for others’ actions, or for any association to others of our class or race, or even the actions of a political party.

And further, “there is therefore now no condemnation for those who are in Christ Jesus.”

Even if we are guilty by individual action, we stand uncondemned in Christ if we have confessed and received His forgiveness. And fellow saints, if they are in Christ — even those who have suffered by our direct actions – should forgive their brother or sister of their condemnation, just as Christ has forgiven them.

The Church must move beyond socialist concepts of communal justice, and be justice bringers to individuals — loving and helping one soul at a time.

Author: Glenn Tungay is a pastor and businessman living in Amanzimtoti, South Africa. He is passionate about individual justice, liberty and politics in general.

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On Winnie: A Follow-Up https://rationalstandard.com/on-winnie-a-follow-up/ https://rationalstandard.com/on-winnie-a-follow-up/#respond Sat, 07 Apr 2018 14:45:39 +0000 https://rationalstandard.com/?p=7517 On 2 April I published a piece wherein I condemned Winnie Madikizela-Mandela for the role she played in the death of Stompie. I made some sloppy and unprofessional mistakes that I feel I need to admit to and correct. I’m going to quote the phrases of my original piece directly and then proceed with correcting my unnecessary […]

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On 2 April I published a piece wherein I condemned Winnie Madikizela-Mandela for the role she played in the death of Stompie. I made some sloppy and unprofessional mistakes that I feel I need to admit to and correct.

I’m going to quote the phrases of my original piece directly and then proceed with correcting my unnecessary errors.

“Madikizela-Mandela allegedly initiated the beatings with a sjambok.”

This statement is problematic for two reasons. Firstly, I did not state that this was according to the Sunday Star’s investigative journalists as quoted by the New York Times in a news article in 1989. I did not cite my source correctly. Secondly, the hyperlink to the article is in the succeeding paragraph and thus not in the relevant paragraph. I pride myself on my diligence when it comes to citing my sources correctly, but I failed dismally in doing so in this instance.

“In 1991, Judge Michael Stegmann sentenced Madikizela-Mandela to six years in prison for her part in the kidnapping of the youths and for assaulting Stompie.”

Winnie was found guilty of accessory to assault and not for assault itself. Although I corrected this error in an editorial note at the end of my original piece, it was still a sloppy error that ended up in me contributing to the spread of fake news, something which I despise and I feel that I have to apologise for. Her conviction for accessory to assault was later overturned on appeal. I once chastised Nickolaus Bauer for doing the same thing, but I now know how easy it is to make a human error.

Another aspect that I failed to incorporate into my original piece was the fact that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the court a quo differed in their findings on whether Winnie was present at her home in Soweto when the youths were assaulted there. Whilst I honestly still suspect she was, I still should have mentioned this crucial controversial dispute of facts. An error on my part for which I take full responsibility. Interestingly enough though, her alibi was that she was being driven elsewhere at the time of the assaults on the youths, something which the driver in question denied after her court trial.

There are, however, a couple of criticisms against me that I need to respond to.

“Fuck you, white trash!”

Okay cool beans, boet. Whatever floats your boat.

“Why have you not written an article on the crimes of the Apartheid government committed against Winnie?

There is one sole reason this piece focused on the crimes of Winnie and not on the atrocities committed against her by the National Party’s thugs: because the mainstream narrative is that she was an untarnished saint who deserves no critique; the other side of her had to be shown. The vast majority of South Africans know about the thuggish and inhumane nature of the Apartheid government’s actions and do not see them as untainted heroes (apart from the odd Steve disciple). I honestly did not see the need to tell people things they already knew. But for those who don’t know, Winnie was subjected to extremely inhumane treatment such as being banished to Brandfort where she had to stay for 10 odd years without basic amenities, held in solitary confinement for almost a year, tortured, and subjected to house arrest.

“The TRC was a farce.”

Well, I agree that it was in the sense that criminals got off the hook for the atrocities they committed. That includes a lot of freedom fighters as well.

“All news reports around the end of Apartheid were fake news spread by Stratcom.”

Blanket statements do not render all news reports on Winnie’s alleged crimes as fake by default. Stratcom did indeed exist, but their influence has been exaggerated. The cost of media infiltration from 1989 to 1990 only cost the Apartheid state R50 000. They only had 40 people working for them, 20 of whom were “used” without their knowledge. Of the fourty informers, only four were full-time journalists, which constitutes a small proportion of the journalists in South Africa at that time.

Of course, one cannot deny that Stratcom did indeed have an influence on the media. Articles critical of Winnie appeared in leading British newspapers in 1991 as well as in Vanity Fair in the US. A document entitled “Dissemination of suitable material re Winnie Mandela abroad: Discreditation [sic] of the ANC”, said a substantial mass of material was forwarded to the media with the objective of using Winnie to discredit the ANC. Ironically enough, Paul Erasmus of the Apartheid security police, who was part of Stratcom’s operations and testified at the TRC, was the only person whose TRC testimony regarding Stompie’s death that did not implicate Winnie, but rather Jerry Richardson and only him.

I hope I have corrected my unprofessional errors that I made in my previous piece on Winnie. I wrote it when my focus level was not where it should have been. I made mistakes, and for that I apologise. I also hope that I have responded sufficiently to the main points of critique levelled against me. In the words of Verashni Pillay: “There’s complicated, and then there’s Winnie Madikizela-Mandela.”

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Liberty Requires The End of Government https://rationalstandard.com/liberty-requires-end-government/ https://rationalstandard.com/liberty-requires-end-government/#respond Fri, 06 Apr 2018 11:10:18 +0000 https://rationalstandard.com/?p=7330 Any resort to violence except for the purposes of self-defense is the clearest indication that the person does not possess the basic intelligence required to be a member of society. Unfortunately for us, most people fall into this category (we see this by the fruits of democracy, more and more government, and thus violence) and […]

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Any resort to violence except for the purposes of self-defense is the clearest indication that the person does not possess the basic intelligence required to be a member of society. Unfortunately for us, most people fall into this category (we see this by the fruits of democracy, more and more government, and thus violence) and therefore it is folly to think we can belong to the same polity as these people and be okay.

We need to start seriously thinking about how to form our own enclaves and how to defend these, whether or not the violent give their consent. We need to figure out how to rob the state of its power over us. Doing this is not just a matter of chasing some ideal state that we have theorised; it is actually a matter of survival and ensuring that our progeny live in peace.

As much as sovereign debt represents a claim on our as-yet-unborn descendants’ property, so too does the very existence of government. Government exists under the assumption that it can and should be able to tax your descendants. If getting rid of the debt is a moral imperative, so too is getting rid of government. We have observed that the long-term trend is that governments grow towards a point of crisis and, maybe, shrinks because of economic reality. But that only lasts for a while.

The reason I keep making the point about the size of government is because government can only grow at the expense of your liberty, i.e. more taxes, more regulations, more legislation etc. Any attack on your liberty is a direct, violent attack on you, the individual. It therefore follows that as much as the growth of government is a bad thing, so too is its very existence. There is no optimal government size in which all of our liberties are perfectly preserved. You, as an individual, have to accept that the only person who can defend your life, liberty and property is yourself and no one else.

Of course, this does not exclude cooperation with neighbours and relatives for self-defense, but once you give up control of the smallest part of your life to someone else, you are now part slave and can no longer call yourself truly free. That is how governments are born, when people give up the right to control some part of their own lives but not just that, in doing so give up their children and grandchildren’s right to the same.

The reality is that all of us are born governing ourselves like it should be. Some clever fellow is not content with this, however, and seeks to convince you that he can handle his own as well as your affairs. If you refuse and have not made adequate arrangements for your own defense, he simply tells you that he will be running your affairs from then on at the point of a spear, a sword, or a gun.

No sane person would call this state of affairs freedom. Furthermore, the man who is arrogant enough to think he can run the affairs of others must have something seriously wrong with his mind. Someway or another, though, more than 7 billion human beings live under these conditions, not because it is impossible to imagine a better way to live, but rather because it seems as if most of us are weary about having to think and do for ourselves. There’s a deep-rooted fear of taking charge over our own selves and a fear of our fellow man and what he might do with his freedom.

Finally, as an anarchist, people often assume that my individualist views imply that I am against cooperation with other people. This is not true. In fact, if I did hold such a belief it would directly contradict my pro-market views, for what is the market if not individuals cooperating for each person’s self-interest? The market is one part of how anarchy will replace government functions; the other parts include charity, volunteering, etc. and all of these will require cooperation with others. The crucial difference is that no one will lose their God-given rights in the course of this cooperation, unlike the “social contract”.

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Stoic Dignity in the Face of Bestial Depravity: Farm Murders in SA https://rationalstandard.com/stoic-dignity-in-the-face-of-bestial-depravity-farm-murders-in-sa/ https://rationalstandard.com/stoic-dignity-in-the-face-of-bestial-depravity-farm-murders-in-sa/#respond Wed, 04 Apr 2018 11:44:15 +0000 https://rationalstandard.com/?p=7472 “The very day after #BlackMonday, it was reported that three more farmers had been felled, one of whom was black. I wondered what media response would be to the murder of three journalists in a single day. It appears South Africa’s food producers are simply not afforded the same level of concern or even respect […]

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“The very day after #BlackMonday, it was reported that three more farmers had been felled, one of whom was black. I wondered what media response would be to the murder of three journalists in a single day. It appears South Africa’s food producers are simply not afforded the same level of concern or even respect for their efforts.”   

Marie-Louise Antoni Politicsweb 5/11/2017

“They beat him with a pole… and you could hear the bones breaking,” said Debbie Turner as she recounted her husband’s murder in a slow, defiant voice.

She refuses to talk about him in the past tense and sleeps with a photo of him close by.

Debbie Turner is scathing of the police who have yet to catch her husband’s killers – or even take a statement from her.

“It shows that what happened that night doesn’t mean anything to these people,” she said.

Racially charged farm murders rock SA News 24 26/12/2017

The National Party justifiably earned world opprobrium after 1948 for its political policies.

In seeking redemption F W de Klerk – now widely derided along with Nelson Mandela by some as a sell-out – guided the Afrikaner towards two achievements unique in the history of humankind.

  • He ceded political power while still retaining control of the army and the police force.
  • He de-fanged the National Party government’s weapons of mass destruction.

In a previous article, I speculated on why the ANC defends, idolises and venerates its leading criminals while the National Party did its best to distance itself from its MPs whose criminal activities brought the party into disrepute.

In this article, I would like, as an English-speaking South African, to highlight the ethos within the Afrikaans community which allows it to counter the unspeakably evil barbarism of farm murder hate crimes with calm and stoic dignity which sets an example for all humankind.

Here’s a brief chronology of recent farm attacks that took place within just three days:

30/10/2017 Vryheid: Bokkie Potgieter (73) hacked to death with a panga, his face so badly mutilated that he was unrecognisable

31/10/2017 Fochville: Willie Barnard (57) fatally shot

31/10/2017 Griekwastad: Willem van der Westhuizen (35) fatally shot

31/10/2017 Ficksburg: Barry Baars (55) fatally shot

2/11/2017 Ficksburg: Arend Corbett (26) shot in the face and one of his employees, Lenyara Tostetsi stabbed

Hardly a week goes past without yet another farmer being murdered, yet Max du Preez questions the motivations of the Black Monday marchers and the justification of their cause.

And in their symbolic protest against the primeval bestiality which spares neither the frail aged nor babes in arms, they are denigrated by Kevin Ritchie, former regional executive editor, Gauteng, for Independent Media, whose ethnic slurs included words like ‘mouth-breathing, knuckle-dragging, two-tone khaki, kak haircut, vellie’  and who urges them to emigrate.

In support of my contention that the white Afrikaans farmer has responded with stoic dignity to pervasive evil, I would like to use three case studies:

  • Two year-old Wilmien Potgieter was shot in the back of the head at point blank range in December 2010 on their Lindley farm, this while her mother’s throat was being slit on the 11th anniversary of her marriage to her murdered husband Attie who succumbed to 151 stab wounds – most caused by a pitchfork. To celebrate this, their murderers left a note written in Sotho on a piece of cardboard saying “We have killed them. We are coming back”.

That’s not just a crime, that’s a hate crime.

  • The blood of 86-year old Rachel de Villiers was used by her murderer to write a satanic message on the walls of the home she shared with her murdered husband on their Barkly East farm in October 2013. The primitive savagery of her murder, made headlines as far afield as China.

That’s not just a crime, that’s a hate crime but, like all the other farm murders, it was deliberately ignored by the ANC-controlled and manipulated state broadcaster.

  • On 15 May 2010, Johan Strydom was attacked on his farm outside Potchefstroom. He would probably have succumbed to the injuries suffered in the attack – which included a savage beating with an iron bar – but post-mortem results provided in a subsequent court case showed that was still alive when his sadistic attackers indulged themselves a little further. He was attached by a chain to his bakkie and dragged, while still alive, to what must, finally, have been a merciful death.

“Johan Strydom’s liver burst, the back of his skull was crushed and there were drag marks all over his body. He lay with his face to the ground and there was a chain around his left ankle,” said Warrant Officer Kevin Pretorius on Thursday during the bail application of two of the three accused, Simphiwe Tueng, 19, and Soul Letsie, 21, in the Potchefstroom Magistrate’s Court.

All that was taken was his cellphone and his wallet.

That’s not just a crime, that’s a hate crime.

So what has the white Afrikaans farming community done in response?

They have, in response to their bereavement through unspeakable and utterly sadistic torture and murder, built memorials to their dead.

  • Close on 1700 white crosses dot a grassy hillside of a farm near Pietersburg. Locals call it “Treurgrond” – Place of Sorrow.
  • The names of murder victims like the Potgieter family, the de Villiers couple and Johan Strydom are inscribed on a memorial at Nampo Park in Bothaville.
Treurgrond. White crosses on a hillside near Pietersburg commemorates murdered farmers and their families.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Here’s what the white Afrikaans farming community has not done:

  • It has not murdered anyone in retaliation
  • It has not torched schools, libraries and community centres in retaliation
  • It has not barricaded roads with burning tyres and stoned passing vehicles in retaliation
  • Why? Because ‘the Smoke that Calls’ is not part of its ethos
The Nampo Park memorial testifies to the bereavement of South Africa’s food providers whose families have been slaughtered with depraved brutality.

The evidence of un-denied historical record shows that, as a deliberate matter of policy, former President Thabo Mbeki, well-knowing that this would make farmers more vulnerable to attack, did away with the efficient Commando farm protection system in 2003 and then reneged on a promise to replace it with a system of equivalent efficiency.

In October last year, Joubert Conradie was murdered in yet another attack by debased degenerates.

In response to this appalling and never-ending evil, his friend Chris Loubser in his bereaved sense of loss, posted a clip on social media calling for an appropriate response.

The response was the Black Friday march and we are indebted to Marie-Louise Antoni for showing how leading commentators abused their media influence and reach to voice their contempt, blatantly lie and openly express their ethnic hatred of the white Afrikaner.

I would like to issue a challenge to the African National Congress, to the country’s Race Merchants and, most specifically to Derek Hanekom who has never publicly condemned the murder of people like Wilmien Potgieter, Rachel de Villiers, Johan Strydom or Joubert Conradie but never misses an opportunity to further persecute and immiserate an elderly woman who has never physically harmed anybody or advocated harming anybody.

  • Can you give one instance where white people in general or white Afrikaners in particular have invaded a home occupied by black people, murdered the husband by inflicting more than a hundred wounds with a pitchfork, slit the throat of the wife and blown the head of a two-year-old child apart with a shot fired at point-blank range and then left a note saying – ‘We have killed them – we are coming back – as happened to the Potgieter family in December 2010?
  • Can you give one instance where white people in general or white Afrikaners in particular have invaded a home occupied by a black family, murdered an elderly couple and attempted to blind the physically handicapped son and then used the blood of one of them to write a satanic sign on the wall of their home as happened to the de Villiers farming family in Barkly East in October 2013?
  • Can you give one instance where white people in general or white Afrikaners in particular have savagely beaten a black man with an iron bar and then, while he was still alive, savagely indulging themselves a little further by attaching him by a chain to a vehicle and dragging him to his death before leaving, taking with them his cellphone and wallet as happened to Johan Strydom in May 2010?

They will not respond because they cannot.

To the immense anger of the Race Merchants, the Black Friday march was an undoubted catalyst to the statements of Australian MP Peter Dutton which, whatever their merits or otherwise have focused world attention like never before on the savagery visited on South African farmers whose vulnerability to hate crime attack increased exponentially after the Thabo Mbeki decision in 2003.

In 2012 Christiaan Bezuidenhout, professor of criminology at the University of Pretoria stated that the number of farm attacks in South Africa is estimated to be 700% higher than in any other country in the world and according to the Chamber of Commerce and Industry each farm murder costs the economy more than R2 million.

What makes these murders unique is the gratuitous cruelty and torture which accompanies these hate crimes.

In a May 2006 column in Business Day, headlined ‘Evil depth of SA’s crimes calls for drastic measures’ Rhoda Kadalie wrote:

“A Bloemfontein farming couple aged more than 80 and 70 years respectively was assaulted by five armed men. The old man was dumped in a scolding hot bath until the soles of his feet fell off and the guys jumped on the chest of the woman, breaking her ribs and damaging her lungs and heart. I read and re-read this story simply because my brain could not absorb such evil.”

In November 2015 the Freedom Front Plus and Afriforum made a submission to the United Nation’s Forum on Minority Issues in Genève about such ethnic hate crimes.

The African National Congress was furious and did its best to block this submission.

Now, at last, thanks to the tearful appeal Facebook appeal of Chris Loubser and the subsequent events, the mask has been ripped away from the African National Congress and the Race Merchants.

Now, at last, the world knows.

Hopefully the stoic dignity with which the white Afrikaans community has responded to the unspeakable savagery which accompanies so many hate crime farm murders will now also be recognised.

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